The History They Beg You Not to Read
The History They Beg You Not to Read: The pro zionist entity Christian Militia in Lebanon
It’s always the same pattern with these Zionist‑aligned individuals or groups, and today it is about Lebanese Christian extremists:
They shout slogans, repeat propaganda, and the moment you ask them about the actual history of their own militias, they suddenly develop amnesia.
I’ve been in this argument before.
I politely asked one of them for any information about the origins of his beloved parties.
He couldn’t. Not a single date, not a single event, not even the name of the militia founders.
Just hatred he inherited like an old family heirloom.
So I told him to hold on while I brought my notes — the same notes I am using while writing my book — and I walked him through the history he was never taught:
1. The Kataeb didn’t “form to defend Lebanon.” They militarised in the 1930s.
Founded in 1936 by Pierre Gemayel after exposure to European fascist movements, the Kataeb built a paramilitary structure long before Palestinians arrived in Lebanon in large numbers.
They proudly called themselves “the cousins of the French occupation.”
That’s their origin story — not “self‑defence.”
2. Their first clashes with Palestinians weren’t in 1975. They were in 1969.
The Phalangists attacked Palestinian camps before the Cairo Agreement.
This is documented by Lebanese historians, international observers, and even former members of Kataeb.
But of course, the people screaming at me online have never opened a history book.
3. Their collaboration with Israel didn’t start in 1982. It started in the early 1970s.
Training, weapons, funding — all documented in Israeli archives.
Kataeb leaders were coordinating with Israel long before the civil war officially began.
But somehow, in their fantasy version of history, Palestinians “started it.”
4. The first massacres of the civil war were committed by these militias.
The Ain el‑Rummaneh bus massacre (April 13, 1975) — carried out by Kataeb gunmen — is universally recognised as the spark of the Lebanese Civil War.
Palestinians didn’t attack first; they were ambushed.
But try telling that to someone raised on post‑war propaganda.
5. These same factions repeatedly invited foreign armies into Lebanon.
1958: Camille Chamoun invited U.S. Marines.
1982: The Gemayel government supported the Israeli invasion.
1982–83: They backed the U.S.-led Multinational Force.
But somehow we are the ones accused of “bringing outsiders.”
6. And the biggest lie of all: “Palestinians tried to take over Lebanon.”
No Palestinian faction ever held political power.
We were refugees — stateless, rightless, and unarmed for most of our early years in Lebanon.
The “takeover” myth was invented to justify the massacres that followed.
And if you want to talk about massacres, let’s talk about the other massacres committd by Christian militias they pretend never existed:
Lebanese Forces (LF)
Karantina (1976)
Tel al‑Za‘atar (1976)
Sabra and Shatila (1982)
Ethnic cleansing in East Beirut
Massacres of rival Christian factions (Safra 1980)
Tigers Militia
Karantina
Tel al‑Za‘atar
Attacks on Palestinian camps
Victims of the Safra massacre (1980)
Guardians of the Cedars
Openly called Palestinians “a cancer.”
Participated in Karantina and Tel al‑Za‘atar
Collaborated with Israel
Documented torture and executions
Marada Brigade
Sectarian killings in the north
Victims of the Ehden massacre (1978)
Retaliatory killings followed
These militias didn’t just kill Palestinians and Lebanese Muslims.
They massacred other Christians, too.
But the people attacking me online don’t know that — or pretend not to.
Impunity, Power, and the Architecture of Abuse
What strikes me most — whether I’m looking at the archives of the Lebanese Civil War or the recently unsealed Epstein files — is how familiar the pattern is.
Different countries, different decades, different crimes, but the same underlying architecture:
a network of people who believe they are untouchable.
This is not about an entire religion or community.
It’s about specific political movements, militias, and elite circles that operate with the same conviction:
that their ideology places them above morality
that their status shields them from accountability
that violence, exploitation, or abuse are justified if they serve “the cause”
that the rules binding ordinary people simply don’t apply to them
It’s the same mindset I see in the militias whose history I’ve been writing about:
the belief that brutality is a right
that civilians are expendable
that their enemies are less than human
that their political identity grants them immunity
And it’s the same mindset exposed in the Epstein files — a network of powerful individuals who operated in the shadows, protected by influence, money, and silence.
Different crimes, different victims, different contexts — but the same logic of impunity.
When people attack me today with the same dehumanising language their militias used in the 1970s and 80s, it becomes painfully clear that this mindset didn’t disappear.
It simply evolved.
It found new platforms, new excuses, new targets.
This is why historical memory matters.
Because when perpetrators — whether militias or elites — are never held accountable, the pattern repeats.
The violence repeats.
The dehumanisation repeats.
The belief in superiority repeats.
And the victims are always expected to stay silent, to accept it, to “move on.”
But we don’t move on.
We remember.
We document.
We speak.
And we refuse to let the archives be buried.
And then today, after I exposed this history again, I received messages glorifying rape, celebrating the slaughter of civilians, and calling for me and my mother to be raped.
The same language their militias used in the 1970s and 80s.
The same dehumanisation.
The same sickness.
It brought back memories I don’t take lightly.
A Final Note
I’m always open to giving talks, lectures, or seminars for anyone who genuinely wants to understand the culture, politics, and lived history of the Levant. And if there’s a topic I can’t cover myself, I’m more than happy to bring in people who were part of the history — people with real knowledge, real experience, and real memory.
If you want the truth, start with the people who lived it.
Your contribution to my work and support in keeping me going would be greatly appreciated.
Taghrid Al-Mawed. Writing from Wales, but with my soul in Palestine
Share widely — but please credit my writing
Barak, Oren. The Lebanese Army: A National Institution in a Divided Society. SUNY Press, 2009.
Cobban, Helena. The Palestinian Liberation Organisation. Cambridge University Press, 1984.
El-Khazen, Farid. The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon, 1967–1976. Harvard University Press, 2000.
Hanf, Theodor. Coexistence in Wartime Lebanon. I.B. Tauris, 1993.
Hirst, David. Beware of Small States. Faber & Faber, 2010.
Khalaf, Samir. Civil and Uncivil Violence in Lebanon. Columbia University Press, 2002.
Makdisi, Samir. The Lessons of Lebanon. I.B. Tauris, 2004.
Picard, Elizabeth. Lebanon: A Shattered Country. Holmes & Meier, 1996.
Sayigh, Yezid. Armed Struggle and the Search for State. Oxford University Press, 1997.
Traboulsi, Fawwaz. A History of Modern Lebanon. Pluto Press, 2007
Thank you, Ms. Al-Mawed. I'm looking forward for your book!